Isabel Díaz Ayuso (Madrid, 1978) began 2021 in an uncomfortable government coalition, with a third wave of the pandemic that once again devastated Madrid hospitals and a snow storm, Filomena, who plunged Madrid into chaos during days. A year later, he has broken that marriage of convenience with Ciudadanos, has risked it in an election and has won them: he governs alone, in his own way.
But happiness is never complete, and the plenipotentiary president lives facing the national leadership of her party, who questions her despite the fact that, thanks to her and her victory on March 4, the PP came out of the well in which they had plunged it its disastrous results in the Catalan elections of February 14.
Things were twisted for Díaz Ayuso when 2021 began. His fights with the government partner, Cs, were increasingly visible. Your star proposal in a pandemic, the Zendal Hospital, he had been greeted with demonstrations and faced a harsh campaign of sabotage. Filomena disarmed any initiative, with the region paralyzed by ice – classes had to be suspended because schools literally could not be reached. And she was constrained by an uncomfortable political couple, whom she distrusted and who prevented her from developing her politics “a la Madrileña.”
As it was, he decided to deliver the coup de grace. And he did so on March 10, when at the end of his Governing Council, he announced that he was dissolving the Assembly and calling early elections. A step that caught with the foot changed to Cs, in an operation that has been reproduced almost to the millimeter this week in Castilla y León, with an accusation of censure included, which the oranges denied and denied.
In the mess
As almost always in Ayuso’s career, everything ends up being a mess: the electoral call had to go to court to clarify what had happened before: its dissolution of the Assembly or the presentation in it of two motions of censure, by PSOE and More Madrid; and one of the Popular transfers, Toni Cantó, it was left off the list also by court decision.
The Madrid campaign became the center of national politics since Pablo Iglesias announced that he was leaving the vice presidency of the Government to confront Ayuso. The media effect of the president began to skyrocket. And the results of 4-M catapulted her: not only did she ‘eat’ Cs but she managed to neutralize Vox and add more votes than the entire left.
From that moment on rid of the ‘ballast’ that she considered her dance partner until then, Cs – «As soon as they have left, she has been able to do things», affirm those closest to her – Díaz Ayuso created a government with which to start developing the policies he considered necessary. Hence the impulse to the Master Law, the Tax Rebate Law, the suppression of own taxes and a resurgence of the strategy of direct clash with Pedro Sánchez.
Díaz Ayuso has gained in security in his public appearances. And also when managing: take your decisions to the end, without finding the brake –or counterweight– that once exercised Ciudadanos, although they generate criticism. And he does it without complexes: one of his first decisions was to change the law to be able to replace the director of Telemadrid, the regional public television that, in his opinion, never treated him well.
The other battle has been get some budgets, the first, with the support of Vox. It has taken him months of negotiation and, surely, biting his tongue at times. But he has succeeded. “It has been a political triumph for her, and it has been practically free,” they say in their environment. The truth is that the party of Rocío Monastery It has given its support without achieving the change it demanded in the LGTBI laws.
The year of the new Ayuso era has brought the reactivation of the City of Justice, the cursed project of the other popular governments; and the launch of its plan to help young mothers, the only one in Spain. But he has also lost things along the way, like that Cs plan to start a 30X30 fertilizer –That will help the hundreds of thousands of Madrilenians who, when they turn 26, go from a 20-euro subscription to paying almost triple-, or the Law for the protection of the civil servant who complains of corruption, which began to be processed in the PP-Cs Government and declined with the electoral advance, to remain in a dead end since then.
Now that everything seemed ready to go from strength to strength, with a strong government and powerful parliamentary support, Díaz Ayuso once again found himself face-to-face against an obstacle. An especially painful one: it is the leadership of its own party that questions it, first in an underground way, then in all crudeness. His intention to preside over the PP of Madrid, as do other regional barons in their territories, has not been liked in Genoa, which has not hesitated to express it in public. “While she manages, the biggest brake is internally,” they acknowledge. And they warn: “He is not going to withdraw his commitment to appear” to preside over the PP in Madrid, “despite whoever it may be.”