Saturday, October 1

Pro-independence anthropology of the ‘post process’

Between the start of ‘process’, with the first great manifestation of the Diada in 2012, and October 2017, with the illegal referendum of October 1st, the Catalan independence movement it was a relatively compact movement swirling around what was called ‘the roadmap’, a political itinerary to follow to achieve secession that, although changing depending on the circumstances, was more or less assumed by the different groups.

Behind the 1-O, in addition to the matches –ERC, Together and the CUP-, the bloc was divided into various factions that over the months and years have continued to atomize until generating an enormously fragmented panorama

by the fratricidal fights, the old discrepancies, the strategic differences and the personal enmities. As an anthropological guide, these are the six factions of the ‘post-procés’ independence movement.

Together: irredentist puigdemontistas

The figure of the former president Carles Puigdemont it hatched after his escape from Justice to Waterloo (Belgium). From the outset, the Junts leader tried to generate a ‘legitimist’ mysticism around him that would reinforce his character as the greatest exponent of the cause in ‘exile’. Over the months he lost focus, although even today his influence is very important both in Junts, a party he created after forcing a separation with the PDECat, as in ERC and CUP. In fact, not even in the most tense moments of relations between post-convergence and Republicans did the latter dare to break publicly with the former president. Puigdemont’s magnetism is so strong within his party that some of his deputies – such as Albert Batet– have coined in the Parliament the term ‘puigdemontista’ to refer to themselves.

The personalism of the former mayor is also important at the local level and many independence councilors have taken advantage of the recent elections to the Council for the Republic to confirm his affection to the former president and ensure his personal blessing before the next municipal elections. The aforementioned Consell, an artifact to shelter the most addicted to Puigdemont, was born as an attempt to put together a kind of Catalan government in exile. However, with ERC off the hook, it has ended up becoming a promotional platform for the escaped former president and the more ‘hardcore’ sector of Junts.

ERC: supporters of dialogue

Although it is much less noisy than that of the Puigdemontistas, this group currently marks the times of Catalan politics under the leadership of the president of the Generalitat, Pere Aragonès, who classifies himself as a ‘pragmatic independentista’. For Left handed, betting on dialogue serves, above all, to gain time and consolidate both the figure of the republican and the power of his party in the engine room of the Catalan Government, presenting itself, at last, as a “government party” that aspires to replace the old CDC.

Those of Oriol Junqueras, in addition, they defend that the negotiation of an agreed solution (which the Junts and the CUP denounce) allows to soften the independence movement in the face of the most skeptical population groups, an essential step to “broaden the base” of the sovereignty and exceed 50% of social support, thesis that, in part, also shares Omnium Cultural, the secessionist organization with the most members. Therefore, today ERC’s obsession is to offer a moderate and pactist profile, especially in the Congress, that allows them to seduce voters’ bags today sheltered in the PSC and the common from Ada Colau. The litmus test of this strategy will be the municipal elections of 2023, where the Republicans hope to reap the fruits of their bet by fishing in the fishing grounds of Junts, the Commons and the PSC and establish themselves as a hegemonic force in the Catalonia ‘post process’.

CUP, Arran, SEPC: anti-capitalism with entry into Palau

If a group has known how to take advantage of the effervescence of the ‘procés’ to impose its ideological framework, it has been the CUP. The anti-system, who came to Parliament in 2012 with three deputies, today they have 9 seats. His pressure in the Parliament was key for Puigdemont to launch to organize the 1-O referendumHowever, the party’s efforts have focused, above all, on the ideological plane. With their fiery rhetoric, the successive leaders and deputies of the CUP have demanded a firm commitment to the “One-sidedness” and the head-on collision with the State while putting disruptive policies on the table in areas such as the economy or the Mossos, one of his great fixations.

The great strength of the CUP is its important social penetration among young people and in the Catalan ‘social movements’ environmentalists, anti-racists or in favor of the living place. In the 14-F elections, the antisystem collected almost 25% of their votes among people under 30 years of age. Its strength is also conveyed through youth organizations such as Arran or the student union SEPC, with great influence on the community’s public campuses and protagonists in the last 4 years of up to 89 violent actions in Catalonia, as reported by ABC. This combination of institutional influence and connection with street excitement has made the CUP one of the most resistant factions in the face of the current ‘procés’ crisis.

ANC, CDR: ‘octubristas’, the legacy of the referendum

Among the framework that has been created around the ‘procés’, mainly the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) and the Committees for the Defense of the Republic (CDR), who were born as Referendum Defense Committees. Arietes del Movimiento, together with Òmnium, an organization that was born in 1962 with a marked cultural character, but which over time has become a purely political entity. The ANC, led by Elisenda Paluzie since March 2018, that is, after the failed secession attempt in October 2017, today maintains a tough position and defends the unilateralism as the only possible way to achieve independence. This has not prevented a sector, a minority and with hardly any muscle, from deciding to split from the entity considering that, beyond the proclamations, it was not committed to taking steps forward in favor of the break with Spain. Were “until I finish” (until it is achieved), the most thrown among the thrown. Although the influence of Paluzie and his entity has waned, it is still part of the ‘conscience’ that remembers Junts, ERC and the CUP on 1-O as the founding moment of a protostate. For their part, the CDRs, active in the street guerrillas from 2017 to 2020, with the support of the three secessionist groups of the Parliament, but under the uncontrolled tutelage of the CUP, are without activity and ‘asleep’ at the same time. waiting for what they consider, how he defended Quim Roast, president of the Generalitat between 2018 and 2020, the ‘momentum’ to turn Catalonia into a republic.

Commons: the ambiguity of ‘light’ sovereignty

Although not framed in the pro-independence bloc, in the orbit of the commons the profile that could be framed in the ‘light sovereignty’ predominates, that is, a supporter of the right to decide –The Catalans decide their future cut off from the group of Spaniards–, but not necessarily secessionists. Within the commons, in a diversity that also occurs in the majority unions, there are from federalists, the majority faction, and supporters of greater autonomy to more or less tempered independentists, the least. Somehow, nailed in a middle point between ERC and the PSC, the commons have made the lack of definition in the territorial terrain a brand that has not finished taking place electorally. The comings and goings of Mayor Ada Colau in that field are a reflection of this ambiguity that has made them also become a favorite target of the most excited independentistas.

As the ‘procés’ has lost all its effervescence, entering the era of ‘post procés’, the commons have gained projection and an environment more comfortable for their interests. With Catalan politics moving to more real grounds, far from the ‘independent’ esotericism, the commons take their heads: environmentalism, social politics… The stoppage of the expansion of The field –Merit shared with ERC– or the approval, hand in hand with the Republicans, of the Budgets after the withdrawal of the CUP are examples of its regained influence.

PDECat, League, Free …: nostalgic for the old Convergence

Overcome by the wave of the ‘procés’, an important segment of the electorate says they feel orphaned of political offer. People of order, located in the center-right, catalanists, saw with alarm how the ‘indepe’ getaway cut legality and threatened stability social, economical e institutional. In the initial phase of the ‘process’, they idolized a Artur Mas, the most naive believing in an agreed secession or, more realistically, in an agreement for a better financing Y autonomy. Then they saw how Puigdemont and the CUP set the tempo. Some got off the boat before the 2015 elections, others hurried until autumn 2017. It is this sector that is now grouping together trying to raise the flag of the old Convergence. The leader of the party heir to those acronyms, the PDECat, Chacón Angels, announced on the 22nd that he was leaving the General Secretariat to precisely lead a new pole of parties to try to attract that orphan sector. The PDECat, Free, Convergents and the League – now extra-parliamentary formations – will present their offer on January 13. New actor in the ‘post-process’ galaxy.

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