We can start 2022 with doubts about how they can affect the personal aspirations of Yolanda Diaz to the bloc that supports the Government. With a special concern if the labor reform, a star measure for that faction of the Government, becomes a headache for the majority that supports the Government. The purple formation lives the leadership of Díaz doing balances. But the scope of the rule agreed with employers and unions leaves “doubts” in the purple party. First for a content that they consider away from their maximum positions and that it is more similar, they say, “to what the PSOE had been defending.”
And as a consequence of this content, scarce for much of the left, there is a more disturbing concern: that deteriorate relationship with coalition partners, especially with ERC and Bildu.
The partners are not present at this time due to the task of having to validate the reform in the Congress of Deputies without the possibility of making modifications, which is what Pedro Sánchez aspires to.
Last Wednesday, during his annual balance appearance, Pedro Sánchez pointed out that it was “common sense” to approve the agreement that the social agents had signed. And do not put the final support of the employer at risk. The Prime Minister knows that Antonio Garamendi is an important support for Europe and also an instrument that reduces political and media pressure on the reform.
The great political legacy of Pablo Iglesias, probably the only one, was to finally be able to drag the PSOE into a government coalition and to do it also tied to an even greater mortgage: with the nationalist and independence forces as the only possible ally. Since the December 2015 elections, that majority had existed in Parliament. But it did not crystallize until the electoral repetition of November 2019. Four years in which the extension of the PP Government and the socialist mutation followed one another. And in which Podemos was resized: it went from threatening the position of the PSOE to being its crutch. Iglesias ended up sacrificing Podemos, first joining forces with IU, and then faking as a political architect of that independentist left bloc: “He always took care of ERC and Bildu even though that meant losing ground in his favor in those territories,” they explain in Podemos. The purple brand as facilitator and mortar of a compact block that was a “condition of possibility” for the PSOE to govern. An effort in which “Pablo burned” in his “stubbornness” that the PSOE “could only look to the left.” And now they begin to see with concern how the option of variable geometry is resurrected through Ciudadanos. “And if the PP were to propose not to block the validation, we would have a problem,” say other sources from Podemos.
The main faces of the party, Ione Belarra, Irene Montero or Pablo Echenique, publicly endorsed an agreement that from the department of Díaz was baptized as “historic.” Although in private it is recognized that many do not think what they wrote but that doing so is part of the respect that Díaz has as a leader of the space and future candidate. Although this has caused, they denounce, that other fundamental things for Podemos have been delayed in the final stretch of the year and that they have not wanted to pressure the PSOE so that the space that Díaz needed to finish polishing the rule is not affected. Something that, they emphasize in Podemos, would have been more difficult to happen with the leadership model and relationship with the PSOE that Iglesias had.
But despite the fact that he has publicly come out to support Díaz, it has also been recognized in the mouth of one of his spokespersons, Sofía Castañón, that the agreement “It is not the reform that United Podemos would do to be a majority in the Government and not quite the one that the social agents wanted, “he said in reference to the unions. Statements that resonate with force, but not as much as the silence of Pablo Iglesias. That despite the multiple speakers that it has, it has not spoken about the rule.
And it is that Doubts with the content and with the aforementioned political consequences are acknowledged in private. In Podemos they are aware that the idea of consensus and the battery of agreements reached with social agents is the fundamental letter of presentation of Yolanda Díaz’s project. It is respected and considered an opportunity. But they believe that if such an important rule is negotiated with the PSOE and the businessmen, it would be necessary, in parallel, have taken more care of ERC, Bildu, Más País or the PNV. “Have them more aware and be more empathetic with them,” they reproach in Podemos. They believe that Díaz has ended up “narrowing” the framework of the negotiation. At the moment Ciudadanos or the FAES have expressed themselves in less critical terms with the agreement than some regular partners of the Government. In the most leftist factions of the party and in their media environments, it produces chills that Díaz’s style and his intentions reproduce the idea of transversality and a certain de-ideologization that Podemos devised between 2014 and 2016 under the strategic leadership of Íñigo Errejón. In the background, the key question: What place does Podemos have in Yolanda Díaz’s project?