The severe energy dependence that most of Europe suffers, and the discussion next spring about the end of the ‘fiscal rule’ that has allowed governments to make their public accounts more flexible and widen deficit margins, will become the two great and controversial debates of 2022. The turn that Brussels has taken to solve the enormous European deficiencies in energy matters and, above all, to try to reduce dependence on gas, has allowed the European Commission to label the nuclear energy and, among other means, slow down the decarbonisation processes. Germany, led by the socialist Olaf Scholz, is the main promoter and exponent of this rectification, which will necessarily spread to other countries aware of so much energy weakness.
These decisions not only expose a large part of the extremist discourse with which the left, and in a naive way Brussels, have built for decades an entire architecture of ecological and environmental ethics, wielding a radical dichotomy between ‘green’ and pollutants in an ideological and not always reflective way. These decisions also represent a reality check, a reflection of Europe’s growing political impotence, and a recognition that under these conditions it is impossible to fight against countries such as Russia, China or India, in whose governments the ’boutades’ of the 2030 Agenda , the juggling of ideology applied to energy, and mass indoctrination no longer shake any conscience. Productivity, energy as a mercenary concept and geostrategic blackmail matter, but Europe educated itself in contradiction and not in realism, and has fostered a sugarcoat goodism around the ‘ecological transition’ that now must stop for decades. by the logic of the system. And of course, because the alternatives to traditional energies are insufficient, or they are not yet efficient, or they have not been developed on schedule, or they are very expensive, no matter how good press they enjoy.
No one can doubt that the abrasion of climate change seriously affects the planet. But neither, that in moments of crisis and massive rise in prices it is essential to provide answers to the public. And that is where countries come into contradiction. The new German government, the ‘stoplight coalition’ between socialists, greens and liberals, is already facing its first crisis for this reason. And in Spain, although for the moment the PSOE and Podemos maintain a univocal criterion regarding nuclear energy, they will end up facing each other over the ‘fiscal rule’ that Germany, Italy and the Nordic and Central European countries considered ‘frugal’ intend to recover. Sooner or later, Sánchez will be forced to modify his strategy. He christened himself the leader of the European Social Democracy, but Scholz’s triumph in Germany has taken the flag away from him. Moreover, when Scholz will impose a continuity line with respect to Merkel economically, so that not only has he announced new aid to companies worth 30,000 million -something unthinkable in Spain-, but he also plans to resume the path of austerity since the left. Sánchez will be able to preach in the desert the benefits of eternal indebtedness and will be able to continue cheating the lonely with inflation and with budgets not in line with the real growth forecasts of the economy. But it will necessarily have to adapt. Many myths on the left, such as the fight against austerity, fiscal expansion, and now nuclear energy, are beginning to decline because harshness prevails over the discursive. And the longer Spain takes to take notice, the more it will suffer the consequences.